The Minister of European Affairs, Maida Gorčević, stated that she does not expect Zagreb to hinder Podgorica’s negotiations with the European Union (EU) due to the recent adoption of the Resolution on the Genocide in Jasenovac and the Dachau and Mauthausen camps by the Montenegrin Parliament. She also remarked that it is not beneficial for Montenegro to dwell on historical issues.
In an interview with “Vijesti” conducted via email, she said that Croatia will not block Podgorica not only because the Croatian Parliament adopted the “Declaration on the Promotion of European Values” in 2011, committing the country not to obstruct the accession of Western Balkan candidate countries over bilateral issues, but also because there are no reasons for such actions.
Following the adoption of the resolution, Croatia warned about the possibility of blocking Montenegro’s path to the EU, reminding of unresolved bilateral issues – the border at Prevlaka, the ownership of the ship “Jadran,” compensation for the families of prisoners in the Morinj camp… Commenting on the postponement of European Council President Charles Michel’s visit to Podgorica after the adoption of the resolution, Gorčević said that his decision is legitimate and that Montenegro does not perceive the EU as an entity that gives “scoldings” to anyone.
“The relationship between official Brussels, the European Commission, the European Council, and other EU institutions towards Montenegro has always been and remains filled with respect and the best intentions. Should the 75 million euros recently allocated by the EU for five Montenegrin infrastructure projects be interpreted as a ‘scolding’? I assure you that the 44th Government will promptly remove any obstacles that may arise on our European path. The closure of chapters, which I am sure will occur by the end of this year at the next intergovernmental conference, will be the only relevant judgment on this matter,” Gorčević stated.
After receiving a positive Report on the Assessment of Compliance with the Criteria for Chapters 23 and 24 (IBAR), Montenegro has been given six final benchmarks for Chapters 23 and 24, which relate to judicial reform, the fight against corruption, respect for human rights, migration, asylum and visas, and organized crime. In what timeframe must the state meet these criteria, which will be the most difficult to fulfill and why, and what will be your first steps in this regard?
After receiving the positive IBAR, Montenegro has been given six final benchmarks for Chapters 23 and 24, which relate to judicial reform, the fight against corruption, respect for human rights, migration, asylum and visas, and organized crime. Although it is always difficult to talk about deadlines because the realization of activities is influenced by many factors, often external ones beyond our control, such as global trends and challenges – our strategic commitment is to become the 28th member of the EU by 2028. This means that by 2026, in other words, within at most two and a half years, we must fulfill obligations in all negotiating chapters, including Chapters 23 and 24, which close at the very end of the negotiation process. Strengthening the rule of law system and fighting corruption and organized crime will be our absolute priority until the very end of the accession negotiations, given the sensitivity of these issues and the far-reaching significance for the overall democratic development of Montenegro. Aware of this fact, we have already taken the first steps and held consultations with the heads of the negotiating working groups for Chapters 23 and 24, and within the negotiating working groups, action plans to address the final benchmarks will soon begin to be drafted.
Chief Negotiator Predrag Zenović recently assessed that Montenegro could close three chapters by the end of the year – Chapter 7 (intellectual property law), Chapter 10 (information society and media), and Chapter 20 (entrepreneurship and industrial policy). What else needs to be done to close these chapters, and when can the closure of the remaining chapters be expected? Which chapters, after the mentioned ones, could be among the first to be ready for closure and when?
According to the new methodology, under which Montenegro has been negotiating since 2020, it is stipulated that no negotiation chapter can be closed until we receive a positive IBAR for Chapters 23 and 24. During the previous period, alongside working on fulfilling the interim benchmarks in the area of the rule of law, work was also done on other negotiation chapters. Therefore, we now have several chapters that have achieved internal readiness for closure. Specifically, the three chapters mentioned by the chief negotiator, with minimal interventions, can be closed immediately. However, we decided not to be satisfied with that number and to do everything in our power to identify all chapters that are close to internal readiness for closure and do everything we can to prepare them for closure by the next Intergovernmental Conference.
How many chapters will be closed at the next Intergovernmental Conference depends on several factors. First and foremost, on the date of the conference – the later it is scheduled, the more work we can complete, and we should certainly consider the upcoming changes in the Brussels administration. An equally important factor is the cooperation between the Parliament and the Government, thanks to which we have the passage of legislative initiatives crucial for harmonization with the EU acquis, as seen in the efficient adoption of IBAR laws. Finally, the readiness of European partners to process the steps we will take in the coming months is of critical importance, but I do not doubt that EU institutions will remain favorable to the enlargement policy.
Your party claims that the visit of the President of the European Council, Charles Michel, to Montenegro was not postponed because the parliament adopted the Resolution on the Genocide in Jasenovac and the Dachau and Mauthausen camps, but due to “events in the parliament orchestrated by DPS,” whose deputies blocked the podium in the Assembly on Monday (July 1), preventing the holding of the Prime Minister’s Questions. If we disregard the fact that the visit was postponed before the DPS move, why was the sentence “the European Council welcomes the latest Intergovernmental Conference with Montenegro and highlights the progress Montenegro has made in the accession process” removed from the draft text of the European Council declaration? Have you been informed at whose request this part was deleted from the draft?
In the statement on July 3, the PES parliamentary group did not state that the events in the parliament orchestrated by DPS were the reason for the European Council President’s non-arrival. PES cannot speak on behalf of Mr. Michel, nor can we speculate on the reasons for postponing his visit. Unfortunately, your media outlet has tendentiously taken one sentence from our statement out of context. If you read the statement again, you will recognize the accusations from our parliamentary group against Dritan Abazović and DPS, who were creating political tensions in the Montenegrin parliament days before and after receiving the IBAR, with the aim of devaluing the achievements of the 44th Government and the parliamentary majority. Since Mr. Michel did not explicitly state the reasons for postponing his visit, but mentioned “political events,” we expressed a legitimate position: that this argument does not surprise us, given the unconstructive behavior of the opposition in parliament.
As for the second part of your question, the content of the document known as the “European Council Conclusions” is the result of agreements among all participants, from the first draft to revisions, involving the permanent representatives of the member states (through COREPER2) and the ministers of European affairs (through GAC), but the members of the European Council, who are prime ministers, or less frequently presidents of member states with veto power, have a special influence. It is inappropriate for me, as the Minister of European Affairs, to interpret possible lobbying for the sentence about Montenegro’s success to be deleted, as the reasons can vary from technical to political.
If you do not perceive the postponement of Michel’s visit and the removal of the text about Montenegro as reprimands from the EU, how do you view it then?
As a legitimate decision of the President of the European Council. Montenegro, as a candidate country, does not perceive the European Union as an entity that gives, as you pejoratively say, “reprimands.” The relationship of official Brussels, the European Commission, the European Council, and other EU institutions towards Montenegro has always been and remains filled with respect and the best intentions. Should the 75 million euros recently allocated by the EU for five Montenegrin infrastructure projects be interpreted as a “reprimand”? I assure you that the 44th Government will promptly remove any obstacles that may arise on our European path. The closure of chapters, which I am sure will occur by the end of this year at the next intergovernmental conference, will be the only relevant judgment on this matter.
Is it true that Croatia, during the Intergovernmental Conference in Brussels where Montenegro received the IBAR, warned Montenegrin authorities four times not to adopt the mentioned resolution?
No, that claim is misinformation.
Do you expect Croatia to block Montenegro in the EU negotiations due to the resolution? If so, why, and if not, why not?
The Republic of Croatia has been a sincere and reliable partner and friend since the beginning of Montenegro’s accession process to the European Union. Therefore, I do not expect Croatia to block our European path, not only because the Croatian Parliament adopted the “Declaration on the Promotion of European Values” in 2011, committing that Croatia would not block the accession of candidate countries from the Western Balkans over bilateral issues, but also because there are no reasons for such actions. The Republic of Croatia has taken an unequivocal and highly moral stance on the events in Jasenovac, and therefore, the adopted resolution has no and cannot have any relevance to contemporary Croatia and the Croatian people. Montenegro will demonstrate its sincere neighborly intentions towards Croatia in the coming months. I believe that reciprocity from the Croatian side will not be lacking, and that Croatia and Montenegro will continue to resolve open issues of mutual interest in the spirit of friendship and good neighborly relations.
Do you share the opinion of Prime Minister Milojko Spajić, expressed in an interview with “Politika” before the adoption of the resolution, that its adoption harms Montenegro?
I share Prime Minister Spajić’s opinion that it does not help Montenegro to dwell on the past, but that the future is our gathering point. However, politics is not an ideal profession and often imposes topics you do not want to deal with. When the political context imposes a certain topic, the only correct way to deal with it is to be consistent. That is why we are convinced that our stance on the resolutions on Srebrenica and Jasenovac was honest and principled.
How do you interpret the message from President Milatović, that the leaders of the parliamentary majority parties, by not attending the meeting with him on the topic of European integration, showed their “attitude towards the European perspective of Montenegro”?
The attitude towards the European perspective is demonstrated through diligent work, daily inter-institutional coordination, dedication to technical issues, and communication through political-diplomatic channels, and certainly not by attending arbitrary meeting formats. I expect all those whose responsibilities involve dealing with the essence of European integration to be fully committed to that goal, and that everyone else at least refrains from relativizing the success of the state of Montenegro. However, I hope that the meeting with part of the opposition organized by Mr. Milatović was fruitful and that it will result in their constructiveness in the further accession process.
When will the reform agenda be adopted by which Montenegro will compete for funds from the Western Balkans Growth Plan, i.e., the new EU financial package for the region’s countries, and what are the key projects for which the state will seek financing?
The government, at its session on June 20, adopted the Information on the preparation process of the Reform Agenda, with the Proposal of basic reform measures and steps. The working team is finalizing the narrative part of the document according to the form defined by the European Commission. After aligning the document with the relevant services of the European Commission, it will be submitted to the Government for consideration and adoption. I expect the entire process to be completed by September, when the European Commission also announced the payment of the first tranche of funds. Simultaneously with the activities on drafting the Reform Agenda, the Ministry of European Affairs, in cooperation with the relevant ministries, conducted a mapping process of infrastructure projects within priority sectors for financing, namely energy, transportation, human capital development, and digital infrastructure. After consultations with the European Commission, the list of projects includes 9 priority projects in the field of energy, 3 in digital infrastructure, 3 in transportation, and 44 in the development of human capital, i.e., infrastructure development at all levels of education. The project list is still indicative, and in the next steps, detailed project preparation and gradual application for financing will be carried out, respecting the dynamics of EU fund allocation.
What do you expect from Hungary’s presidency of the Union, considering that the country advocates many anti-EU policies? Does this concern you?
During my visit to Hungary in April this year and meetings with the highest officials, including Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó, I received very optimistic messages regarding the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans. Special support and focus on candidate countries from the Western Balkans during Hungary’s presidency of the Council of the European Union were announced. These messages were reiterated during the recent visit of Hungary’s Minister of European Affairs, János Bóka, to Montenegro, stating that great attention will be paid to the Western Balkans, especially Montenegro as the most advanced candidate. A large number of significant events are announced to take place in Montenegro in the next six months, as well as the holding of an Intergovernmental Conference at which Montenegro would begin closing negotiation chapters. Hungary is an EU member state, and the support of every member state is crucial for us. What we must not miss, in this phase of negotiations and after the momentum we gained with the positive IBAR, is Hungary’s inclination towards the enlargement policy and the opportunity to make significant steps on our European path by the end of the year.
